Two key works promoting Xi Jinping Thought have been translated into Cyrillic Mongolian and released in Mongolia. Beijing presents the move as a gesture of cultural exchange and an effort to share its governance model with Mongolians. However, many view it as an effort by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to spread propaganda and expand its influence in the country. Still, most Mongolians believe the books are unlikely to overcome centuries of deep-rooted mistrust toward China.

On December 2, 2024, Mongolia hosted the launch of the Cyrillic Mongolian editions of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China (Volume II) and Xi Jinping’s Excerpts on Poverty Alleviation, in tandem with a governance seminar in Ulaanbaatar. The event marked the 75th anniversary of China-Mongolia diplomatic relations and the 10th anniversary of the countries’ strategic partnership. Meanwhile, CCP mouthpiece Global Times framed the occasion as an effort to enhance mutual understanding and offer Mongolia a guidebook on Xi Jinping’s governance philosophy and China’s poverty reduction strategies.

Officials and scholars from both countries spoke at the event, while Mongolian Deputy Parliamentary Chairman Khurelbaatar Bulgantuya and State Secretary Adiyasuren Davaajargal praised China’s modernisation and poverty alleviation efforts. This is a common theme at events orchestrated by the CCP, where officials from developing countries often reference the claim that the Party lifted 800 million Chinese out of poverty. However, this oft-cited “economic miracle” fails to acknowledge that the reason China had 800 million people living in poverty in the first place was the ill effects of communism—and the way Beijing lifted people out of poverty was by relaxing communism and allowing private enterprise. That process began in 1978, shortly after the death of Mao Zedong.The percentage growth of China’s per capita GDP from 1978 until today is astronomical—it has risen from $156 per year in 1978 to $12,500 today, translating to an expansion of 7,913% (see above).

Mongolia, after the collapse of the USSR in 1990, transitioned to both a multi-party democracy and a free-market capitalist system. As a result, its GDP per capita rose from $472 in 1990 to $5,838 today, an increase of approximately 1,136.4% (see below). While the percentage growth is smaller than China’s, Mongolia’s economic progress is still nothing short of miraculous.

What’s more, China didn’t surpass GDP per capita of $5,000 until 2011. The point is, there may not be much that China can teach Mongolia about poverty alleviation. Mongolia already has a higher level of capitalism than China. China’s advantages lie in factors Mongolia simply can’t replicate: a much larger population, more international borders (China shares land borders with 14 countries, while Mongolia has only two neighbours—Russia and China), and crucially, access to the sea. Mongolia is landlocked. And there’s nothing in Xi Jinping’s writings that will change any of that.

The books were translated and published in Cyrillic Mongolian—the official writing system of independent Mongolia—despite the government’s recent push to revive traditional Mongolian script. While there are roughly 50% more ethnic Mongols living in China than in Mongolia, the choice of Cyrillic suggests that Beijing was specifically targeting the Mongolian public. Ethnic Mongols in China typically read and write in either traditional Mongolian script or simplified Chinese, and they have already gained access to Xi Jinping’s works in those languages.

Just before the books were released in Mongolia, the CCP’s International Department held an event in China showcasing development progress in Inner Mongolia. The event emphasised Xi Jinping’s leadership in driving regional revitalisation and high-quality development, with Inner Mongolia’s Party leaders reaffirming their commitment to his policies. As is always the case, CCP media reported that international diplomats, political leaders, and business representatives praised China’s economic achievements and viewed Xi’s development model as a reference point for developing nations. However, people in developing nations—particularly in Mongolia—do not necessarily agree.

Amarsanaa Erdenebileg, a Mongolian business school graduate from Ulaanbaatar, acknowledged that the release of Xi Jinping’s books in Cyrillic Mongolian could be an attempt to expand Chinese ideological influence in Mongolia. However, he noted that Mongolians have historically held a deep mistrust of China, and this initiative might ultimately fail. “We have always been sceptical of Chinese influence attempts,” he said, adding, “therefore, it may backfire on China’s attempt to influence.”

When asked whether Mongolians would actually read the books, Amarsanaa admitted that some people would. However, he was doubtful about any meaningful impact. “I believe it won’t affect much,” he said. He explained that while there are some in Mongolia who think the country would be better off aligning more closely with China, there are also many who strongly oppose Chinese influence. “There are those who believe that Mongolia is better off following China,” he said, “and there are those who really hate China.” Ultimately, he suggested that the book release is unlikely to significantly change Mongolian attitudes toward China. He concluded by saying, “We are way more educated than we were before. We’ll learn what we need to learn—but we won’t be influenced.”

Chinguun Batsaik, who lives in Ulaanbaatar, offered a different perspective, arguing that China already has influence in Mongolia. “In fact, I believe they have already established a powerful influence in terms of commerce and an economic standpoint,” he said. While the release of Xi’s books in Cyrillic Mongolian may be seen as an ideological push, Chinguun suggested that China’s real power in Mongolia lies in its economic presence rather than its political messaging.

Bat-Amgalan Enkhtaivan offered a nuanced perspective, highlighting the broader geopolitical context—particularly Mongolia’s delicate position amid the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. He noted that maintaining neutrality could become increasingly difficult if global tensions escalate. “Russia’s aggressive assertions are a significant concern for Mongolia as well. Therefore, any movement made by the Mongolian government is critical and complex,” he noted.

The release of Xi’s works in Cyrillic Mongolian is a strategic move by the CCP to extend its ideological and political influence into Mongolia. This aligns with Beijing’s longstanding use of soft power to shape narratives in foreign countries.

Traditionally, Mongolia has balanced its relations with China and Russia while strengthening ties with Western democracies, including the United States, Japan and South Korea. At the same time, it is working to reduce its economic dependence on China, which accounts for over 80% of its exports—mainly coal and minerals.

From Moscow’s perspective, China’s move may be seen as encroaching on its traditional sphere of influence. Though Beijing and Moscow maintain close ties, they have historically competed for leverage in Mongolia. With Russia distracted by the war in Ukraine, Beijing may see this as an opportune moment to consolidate its position.

While China’s push to export its governance model is notable, the conclusion has to be its actual impact is likely to be limited. Deep-rooted distrust of China and Mongolia’s commitment to its “third neighbour” policy will continue to constrain Beijing’s soft power ambitions.